Federal courts conducted about 3,600 trials in civil cases
last year, down from 5,800 in 1962. That is not an enormous drop� until
you consider that the number of cases has quintupled in the meantime.
In percentage terms, only 1.3 percent of federal civil
cases ended in trials last year, down from 11.5 percent in 1962.
The trends in criminal cases and in the state courts are
broadly similar, though not always quite as striking. But it is beyond
dispute that even as the number of lawyers has grown twice as fast as the
population and even as the number of lawsuits has exploded, actual trials
have become quite rare.
Instead of hearing testimony, ruling on objections and
instructing jurors on the law, judges spend most of their time supervising
the exchange of information, deciding pretrial motions and dealing with
settlements and plea bargains.
There is, of course, nothing wrong with settlements, at
least when they are the product of reasoned and sensible compromise
between evenly matched adversaries. But trials are not disappearing simply
because more cases are being settled. Instead, they are increasingly being
replaced by summary judgments, in which judges evaluate evidence submitted
to them on paper.
''During the last years of the 20th century, summary
judgment in the federal courts moved from a small fraction of dispositions
by trial to a magnitude several times greater than the number of trials,''
Marc Galanter, who teaches law at the University of Wisconsin and the
London School of Economics and Political Science, wrote last year in The
Journal of Dispute Resolution.
Professor Galanter elaborated in an interview. ''Summary
judgments are being asked for in about 17 percent of cases and granted in
about 9 percent,'' he said, citing recent data from the Federal Judicial
Center. That is a big jump from 1960, when no more than 1.8 percent of
federal civil cases ended in summary judgment, according to data from the
administrative office of the federal courts analyzed in a 1961 law review
article.
''We've moved in a way to a more European way of
decision-making, by looking at the court file rather than through
encounters with living witnesses whose testimony is tested by
cross-examination,'' Professor Galanter said.
In criminal cases, the vast majority of prosecutions end
in plea bargains. In an article called ''Vanishing Trials, Vanishing
Juries, Vanishing Constitution'' in the Suffolk University Law Review last
year, a federal judge questioned the fairness of the choices confronting
many criminal defendants.
Those who have the temerity to ''request the jury trial
guaranteed them under the U.S. Constitution,'' wrote the judge, William G.
Young of the Federal District Court in Boston, face ''savage sentences''
that can be five times as long as those meted out to defendants who plead
guilty and cooperate with the government.
The movement away from jury trials is not just a societal
reallocation of resources or a policy choice. Rather, as Judge Young put
it, it represents a disavowal of ''the most stunning and successful
experiment in direct popular sovereignty in all history.''
Indeed, juries were central to the framers of the
Constitution, who guaranteed the right to a jury trial in criminal cases,
and to the drafters of the Bill of Rights, who referred to juries in the
Fifth, Sixth and Seventh Amendments. Jury trials may be expensive and
time-consuming, but the jury, local and populist, is a counterweight to
central authority and is as important an element in the constitutional
balance as the two houses of Congress, the three branches of government
and the federal system itself.
In an article titled ''Why Summary Judgment Is
Unconstitutional,'' published last month in the Virginia Law Review, Suja
A. Thomas, a law professor at the University of Cincinnati, makes the
perfectly plausible argument that the procedure violates the Seventh
Amendment, which reserves the job of determining the facts in civil cases
to juries.
When judges decide summary judgment motions, Professor
Thomas wrote, they intrude on that job. The theory of summary judgment is
that judges may rule for one side or the other only after finding that no
''genuine'' issues of ''material'' fact are in dispute. They must
determine, as the Supreme Court has put it, whether ''a reasonable jury
could return a verdict'' for the party defending against a motion for
summary judgment.
All of that pushes judges right up to and sometimes across
the constitutional line of determining the facts for themselves.
In 2004, in the process of revitalizing the role of the
jury in criminal cases, Justice Antonin Scalia of the Supreme Court wrote
that there were good arguments for ''leaving justice entirely in the hands
of professionals.'' But that is not the theory of the Constitution, he
continued, which enshrined ''the common-law ideal of limited state power
accomplished by strict division of authority between judge and jury.''
The jury trial is a distinctively American tradition in a
cultural sense, too. Almost all civil jury trials in the world take place
here, and 90 percent of the criminal ones. But that tradition, which Prof.
Paul Butler of George Washington University calls ''as fundamental a part
of our culture as jazz or rock 'n' roll,'' is dying.
I was on jury duty last week, in a state criminal court in
Manhattan. During the orientation on Wednesday, a court officer, with
mixed pride and hyperbole, said his was the busiest courthouse in America.
I never saw so much as the inside of a courtroom. After a
couple of days of milling around in an assembly room with more than 100
other potential jurors, the State of New York thanked us for our service
and sent us home.
Copyright 2007 The New York Times
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Trials are on the verge of extinction. They
have been replaced by settlements and plea deals, by mediations and
arbitrations and by decisions from judges based only on lawyers' written
submissions.
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